In the vibrant tapestry of anti-colonial thought, Sukarno’s Indonesia Menggugat stands as a clarion call, echoing the aspirations of a nation yearning for freedom. This seminal work, originally a courtroom speech delivered in Bandung in 1930, captures not only the political pulse of its era but also serves as a timeless critique of imperialism and capitalism—a poignant reminder of how power and greed shape the destinies of nations.

Sukarno dissected the mechanics of this modern beast. Capitalism, unable to satiate its hunger within domestic borders, turns outward. It is not merely goods but financial capital that traverses oceans, planting the seeds of factories, railroads, and ports—structures that serve the empire rather than the people.

Yet, Sukarno was no mere critic. He believed in the resilience of his people. The cultural identity that imperialism sought to erase could be reclaimed through unity and self-determination. For Sukarno, independence was not simply political but a reclamation of the Indonesian spirit, unshackled from the narratives imposed by the West.

What makes Indonesia Menggugat extraordinary is its relevance beyond its time. Sukarno challenges us to question not just the visible chains of oppression but also the invisible systems that perpetuate inequality. As global capitalism continues to mutate, his words compel us to examine how multinational corporations, economic policies, and even aid programs might replicate colonial patterns under different guises.

Sukarno’s work is a manifesto for those who dream of a fairer world. It calls for vigilance, unity, and the courage to challenge oppressive structures. It is a reminder that justice is not handed down by the powerful; it is seized by those who dare to demand it.

In Indonesia Menggugat, Sukarno offers more than an indictment of colonialism—he offers a vision of hope. His words remind us that the fight for justice, while arduous, is a noble endeavor, one that defines the very soul of a nation. As the world grapples with new forms of imperialism, Sukarno’s ideas remain a beacon, guiding the way toward a truly equitable future.

Imperialism Old and New: Sukarno’s Masterclass in Economic Exploitation

In his stirring courtroom defense, Indonesia Menggugat, Sukarno masterfully dissects the anatomy of imperialism in its two iterations: the archaic yet brutal imperialisme tua (old imperialism) and the more insidious imperialisme modern (modern imperialism). Delivered with razor-sharp critique, Sukarno’s analysis transcends its historical moment, offering a blueprint for understanding the mechanisms of exploitation that still haunt the global South.

The imperialism of old, Sukarno explains, was a force of brute conquest, driven by the greed of European powers like the Portuguese, Spanish, Dutch, and British. These empires expanded their reach across Asia, Africa, and the Americas, pillaging resources and dominating native populations. The Dutch East India Company (VOC) is a stark example of this predatory system. In Indonesia, the VOC imposed monopolies on spices, crushed local economies, and displaced entire communities—all under the guise of trade.

Sukarno’s critique highlights the systemic nature of this exploitation. Old imperialism was not merely the ambition of individuals but a well-oiled mechanism that turned colonies into wealth engines for European powers. The economic gains from these ventures fueled the Industrial Revolution and cemented Europe’s dominance, while the colonized nations bore the brunt of this prosperity in the form of poverty, displacement, and cultural erosion.

While imperialisme tua relied on overt violence and monopolies, modern imperialism wears a more sophisticated mask. Sukarno calls it the offspring of modern capitalism, a system born out of Europe’s industrial boom. As European nations faced saturated domestic markets, they looked outward, exporting not just goods but also capital.

This modern variant operates through infrastructure projects, foreign investments, and financial institutions. It appears less aggressive, even benevolent, as it builds railroads, factories, and ports in colonized nations. But Sukarno exposes its true nature: a system designed to funnel wealth back to imperial centers. Modern imperialism, he argues, traps colonized nations in dependency, turning them into perpetual providers of cheap labor and raw materials while limiting their economic autonomy.

At its core, Sukarno insists, both forms of imperialism are driven by the same primal instinct: greed. Whether through the brute force of the VOC or the more polished strategies of modern corporations, the aim remains to extract wealth from the periphery and concentrate it in the hands of the few. The transition from old to modern imperialism is not progress but a refinement of exploitation.

Sukarno draws on global examples to underline his point. The British Empire, for instance, transitioned from outright colonization to economic domination, turning colonies like India into captive markets. He warns that modern imperialism, with its seductive promises of development, is perhaps more dangerous because it hides its exploitative nature under a veneer of progress.

Sukarno’s analysis is as urgent now as it was in 1930. In a world where multinational corporations wield immense power, and economic policies often favor the global North at the expense of the South, his insights serve as a wake-up call. Whether through debt dependency, exploitative trade agreements, or the extraction of resources in developing countries, the echoes of imperialism are unmistakable.

Sukarno does not merely offer a critique; he provides a lens to recognize and resist these systems. By understanding the roots of modern inequality, he empowers oppressed nations to reclaim their sovereignty and demand a more just global order.

In Indonesia Menggugat, Sukarno’s words ring with clarity and conviction: imperialism, whether old or new, is a systemic assault on dignity and self-determination. His chapter on Imperialisme Tua dan Modern is not just a historical critique but a manifesto for emancipation, urging nations to rise above the shadows of exploitation and forge their own paths. For readers today, it remains a powerful reminder of the enduring fight for justice in an unequal world.

Imperialism in Indonesia: Sukarno’s Scathing Indictment of Colonial Greed

In the chapter Imperialisme di Indonesia from his seminal courtroom defense, Indonesia Menggugat, Sukarno turns his unrelenting gaze to the colonial horrors inflicted on his homeland. Through vivid historical examples, he exposes how imperialism devastated Indonesia’s economy, culture, and social fabric, transforming a rich and vibrant archipelago into a pawn of European greed.

Sukarno begins by chronicling the ruthless operations of the Dutch East India Company (VOC) in the 17th and 18th centuries. The VOC’s monopolies over spices, particularly in the Moluccas, were enforced with brutal efficiency. Crops were destroyed to maintain scarcity, local kingdoms were dismantled, and entire communities were uprooted or exterminated. This was not trade—it was conquest masquerading as commerce.

In Java, Sukarno explains, the VOC employed a sinister strategy of divide et impera (divide and conquer). By pitting local rulers against each other, the Dutch weakened indigenous resistance and consolidated their control. Economic policies like contingenten (forced delivery of crops) and leverantien (compulsory deliveries) extracted wealth directly from farmers, pushing local economies into ruin. Sukarno describes this period as one of unbridled greed and inhumanity, with the VOC treating Indonesia as a mere commodity to be exploited.

The VOC’s legacy of exploitation was institutionalized under the cultuurstelsel (cultivation system) of the 19th century. Introduced by the Dutch colonial government, this system forced Indonesian farmers to devote much of their land and labor to producing cash crops like sugar, coffee, and indigo for export. The proceeds enriched the Netherlands but plunged Indonesia into widespread poverty and starvation.

Sukarno vividly recounts the suffering caused by the cultuurstelsel. Entire villages were compelled to toil under inhumane conditions, often at the expense of their own subsistence farming. Famine became a recurring reality, and the physical toll was catastrophic. Sukarno condemns the cultuurstelsel as a system that stripped Indonesians of their dignity, treating them as tools in the service of Dutch economic gain.

By the late 19th century, Sukarno observes, the colonial strategy in Indonesia began to evolve. The introduction of the Agrarian Law of 1870 opened the floodgates for private capital, ushering in an era of modern imperialism. Foreign companies established plantations, factories, and infrastructure projects, ostensibly bringing development to Indonesia. But Sukarno reveals this facade for what it was—a continuation of exploitation, now under the banner of progress.

Infrastructure like railroads and ports, Sukarno argues, was designed not to benefit Indonesians but to facilitate the extraction of resources. The wealth generated by these ventures flowed to European investors, leaving the local population to grapple with poverty and displacement. Modern imperialism, in Sukarno’s words, was no less ruthless than its predecessor; it merely traded the whip for a contract.

Sukarno does not limit his critique to economic exploitation. He highlights how imperialism eroded Indonesia’s cultural identity and social cohesion. The Dutch administration, fixated on control, systematically undermined traditional institutions and values. Education was designed to produce subservient clerks rather than independent thinkers, and the Dutch language and worldview were imposed on a society rich in its own heritage.

This cultural imperialism, Sukarno argues, was as damaging as the economic exploitation. By severing Indonesians from their roots, the colonizers sought to weaken resistance and perpetuate their dominance. Sukarno calls for a revival of national pride and unity as essential steps toward liberation.

The Indonesian Awakening: Sukarno’s Vision of a National Movement

In the chapter Pergerakan di Indonesia from his electrifying courtroom defense, Indonesia Menggugat, Sukarno traces the evolution of Indonesia’s struggle for independence. This section serves as both a historical narrative and a rallying cry, chronicling the rise of a national consciousness and the collective will to resist colonial domination. Sukarno not only outlines the growth of the movement but also unpacks the philosophical underpinnings that guided it, presenting a blueprint for liberation.

Sukarno begins by contextualizing Indonesia’s independence movement within the broader framework of colonial oppression. The Dutch colonial system, with its economic exploitation and cultural subjugation, left Indonesians impoverished and disenfranchised. Yet, these injustices also planted the seeds of resistance.

The late 19th and early 20th centuries witnessed the emergence of early reformist movements, which laid the groundwork for national awakening. Organizations like Budi Utomo and Sarekat Islam marked the first stirrings of political consciousness. While these groups were initially focused on social and economic issues, they gradually evolved into platforms for broader political demands. Sukarno highlights this progression as a crucial turning point, where fragmented grievances coalesced into a unified vision for independence.

For Sukarno, the Indonesian movement was not merely a reaction to colonial rule; it was rooted in a profound ideological shift. He emphasizes the importance of nationalism (nasionalisme), which he frames as a moral and political imperative. Nationalism, in Sukarno’s view, was not about exclusion but about unity—binding the diverse peoples of the archipelago into a single nation.

Sukarno critiques Western ideologies like liberalism and socialism, arguing that while they offer valuable tools, they must be adapted to Indonesia’s unique context. He calls for a homegrown ideology that reflects the nation’s culture, history, and aspirations. This vision would later crystallize in Sukarno’s concept of Pancasila, which balances nationalism, democracy, and social justice.

Sukarno documents the shift from reformist strategies to revolutionary demands. By the 1920s, organizations like the Indische Partij and the Partai Komunis Indonesia (PKI) began to challenge the very foundations of colonial rule. Sukarno himself emerged as a leader of the Partai Nasional Indonesia (PNI), which advocated for direct action and complete independence.

What set this era apart, Sukarno argues, was the ability of leaders to mobilize the masses. The Indonesian movement transcended the elite circles of intellectuals and reached workers, farmers, and students. Sukarno credits this mass mobilization with turning the tide against colonialism, demonstrating that independence was not a privilege granted by the colonizers but a right demanded by the people.

Despite its momentum, the Indonesian movement faced significant obstacles. Sukarno laments the lack of unity among various factions, which often diluted the struggle’s effectiveness. He also critiques the Dutch colonial government for its repressive measures, from censorship to imprisonment of activists, aimed at stifling dissent.

Sukarno does not shy away from addressing internal challenges. He warns against complacency, opportunism, and the temptation to compromise with colonial powers. For Sukarno, the movement’s integrity depended on its unwavering commitment to full independence.

Pergerakan di Indonesia culminates in a powerful appeal for solidarity and action. Sukarno envisions a movement that is not only united but also rooted in the moral and spiritual strength of the Indonesian people. He calls on his compatriots to rise above divisions and to embrace their shared destiny as a free and independent nation.

Sukarno’s rhetoric is as much about hope as it is about struggle. He reminds Indonesians that their fight is part of a larger global wave of anti-colonial movements, drawing inspiration from other nations that had thrown off the yoke of imperialism. For Sukarno, the Indonesian struggle is both a local and universal quest for dignity and justice.

Marhaenisme: Sukarno’s Revolutionary Ideology for the People

In Indonesia Menggugat, Sukarno introduces Marhaenisme, his groundbreaking ideological framework that shaped Indonesia’s anti-colonial movement. Rooted in the realities of Indonesian society, Marhaenisme is a deeply personal yet universally relevant political philosophy. It transcends Marxism’s class struggle to address the unique socio-economic and cultural conditions of Indonesia, providing a roadmap for liberation that is grounded in the lives of its people.

The term Marhaenisme derives from Sukarno’s encounter with a Javanese farmer named Marhaen. Unlike the industrial proletariat described by Marx, Marhaen was a smallholder farmer who owned his tools and land but was still trapped in poverty due to colonial exploitation. This interaction led Sukarno to realize that Indonesia’s struggle was not about workers or capitalists in the Marxist sense but about the plight of ordinary people—farmers, laborers, and small traders—who were systematically oppressed despite owning the means of production.

Marhaen became a symbol of Indonesia’s exploited masses, and Marhaenisme emerged as an ideology that sought to empower them. Unlike Marxism, which centers on the industrial proletariat, Marhaenisme focuses on the rural and agrarian realities of Indonesia.

The Pillars of Marhaenisme:

1. Economic Justice: At its core, Marhaenisme is a critique of economic inequality. Sukarno identified the colonial system as the primary source of poverty, where wealth was siphoned off by foreign powers. Marhaenisme seeks to dismantle this exploitative system and redistribute resources to the people who work the land and create wealth. This vision includes land reform, fair wages, and access to education and healthcare.
2. Nationalism: Marhaenisme is deeply rooted in Indonesian nationalism, but it is a nationalism of liberation, not domination. Sukarno saw nationalism as a unifying force that could bring together Indonesia’s diverse ethnic and religious groups in the fight against colonialism. For Sukarno, economic justice was inseparable from national independence; only a sovereign Indonesia could ensure that the wealth of the nation benefitted its people.
3. Humanism: Sukarno believed that Marhaenisme was not just about material conditions but also about restoring dignity and humanity to the oppressed. It rejects the dehumanizing effects of colonialism and capitalism, advocating for a society where every individual’s worth is recognized and respected.
4. Social Solidarity: Marhaenisme emphasizes the importance of collective action and mutual support. Sukarno argued that Indonesia’s independence movement could only succeed if the people worked together, transcending divisions of class, ethnicity, and religion. This solidarity extends to the global South, as Sukarno envisioned Indonesia as a leader in the struggle against imperialism worldwide.

While Marhaenisme draws inspiration from Marxism, Sukarno was careful to adapt it to Indonesia’s context. Unlike Marxism, which predicts an inevitable class conflict between the proletariat and bourgeoisie, Marhaenisme focuses on the broader exploitation of all Indonesians under colonial rule. Sukarno rejected Marx’s materialist determinism, emphasizing instead the role of nationalism and spirituality in motivating social change.

Sukarno also criticized Marxism for its atheism, which he saw as incompatible with Indonesia’s deeply religious society. Marhaenisme incorporates spiritual values, recognizing the importance of religion and morality in shaping a just society.

For Sukarno, Marhaenisme was not just an abstract theory but a call to action. It sought to awaken the political consciousness of ordinary Indonesians, helping them recognize their shared oppression and inspiring them to take collective action. Marhaenisme advocated for peaceful resistance and self-reliance, urging Indonesians to build their own institutions and industries rather than depend on foreign powers.

Sukarno’s vision extended beyond independence. Marhaenisme was also a blueprint for post-colonial governance, emphasizing that freedom would be meaningless without addressing the structural inequalities left by colonialism. Sukarno believed that Indonesia’s leaders must prioritize the welfare of the people, creating policies that uplift the most vulnerable.

Marhaenisme became the ideological foundation of Sukarno’s presidency and the broader Indonesian independence movement. It resonated deeply with Indonesians because it spoke to their lived realities, offering a vision of liberation that was both practical and aspirational. Even after independence, Marhaenisme continued to influence Indonesia’s political and economic policies, shaping debates about land reform, social welfare, and national identity.

Sukarno’s Marhaenisme remains profoundly relevant in a world grappling with inequality and neocolonialism. It challenges us to think beyond Western models of development and to craft solutions that are rooted in the specific needs and values of our communities. Marhaenisme reminds us that true liberation is not just about breaking chains but about building a society where everyone can live with dignity and purpose.

In Indonesia Menggugat, Sukarno’s articulation of Marhaenisme is not just a historical artifact—it is a timeless call for justice, solidarity, and the power of ordinary people to change their destiny.

The Malay World’s Revolutionary Legacy

Sukarno, the architect of Indonesia’s independence and a visionary thinker, remains one of the most transformative figures in the Malay world. Through his fiery rhetoric, unwavering commitment to justice, and profound intellectual contributions, Sukarno redefined what it meant to resist colonialism. His speeches and writings, particularly in Indonesia Menggugat, articulate a universal struggle for dignity, freedom, and equality—values that resonate deeply with the broader Malay world, bound by shared histories of colonization and cultural ties.

His ideas inspire nations to reclaim their narratives, resist exploitation, and pursue justice. The echoes of Sukarno’s thought are heard in movements across the region, from Malaysia’s independence struggle to contemporary calls for equitable development and cultural preservation.

Ultimately, Sukarno’s vision transcended borders. He was not just Indonesia’s leader but a voice for the voiceless, a revolutionary whose ideals continue to galvanize the Malay world and beyond. His life’s work is a testament to the enduring power of unity, dignity, and the belief that even the most marginalized can rise to shape their destiny.
 

Note: The original text was written in Indonesian, and online tools were used to translate it into English.