Malaysia’s multi-ethnic society has long grappled with the challenges of fostering national integration while managing complex ethnic relations. A pivotal moment reshaping this dynamic was the tragic 13 May 1969 Racial Riots, which exposed deep- seated tensions and forced a reconsideration of state policies aimed at nation-building. Tun Abdul Razak, Malaysia’s second Prime Minister responded by routinizing and reinforcing the 1961 Education Act, a policy instrument central to Malaysia’s language and education policy and how this move reflected ethnic nationalism while aiming to strengthen national identity and societal cohesion.

Malaysia’s Ethnic Landscape and Language Policy in Historical Context

At independence in 1957, Malaysia inherited a fragmented educational landscape shaped by ethnic cleavages, with Malay, Chinese, and Indian communities often educated separately in vernacular schools using their respective languages. Language was not merely a communication tool but a marker of ethnic identity and a linchpin in shaping political and cultural allegiances (Rappa C Wee, 2006).

Early postcolonial policies attempted to balance competing interests. The 1952 Education Ordinance, based on The Barnes Report, aimed to promote Malay and English as unifying languages but faced resistance, especially from the Chinese community, which sought to preserve Mandarin-medium education. Subsequent reports, like the Fenn-Wu Report, highlighted these competing demands. These tensions culminated in The 1961 Education Act, which formed the first legislative framework to institutionalize Malay as the primary medium of instruction in national schools, signaling a soft assimilationist approach toward forging a shared national identity anchored around Malay culture and language (Segawa, 2019).

The May 1969 Riots: A Catalyst for Policy Reorientation

The Third Malaysia General Election in May 1969 upended the political status quo. The incumbent Alliance coalition, dominated by the United Malays National Organization (UMNO), lost substantial ground to opposition parties, including the Democratic Action Party (DAP) and Pan-Malayan Islamic Party (PMIP), reflecting growing dissatisfaction among minority groups and Malays alike. Ethnic Chinese opposition groups especially campaigned against perceived Malay hegemony, touching on sensitive issues such as language and education.

Celebrations by opposition parties after election successes turned into a provocative mass rally in Kuala Lumpur, igniting ethnic violence. The riots resulted in hundreds of deaths, extensive property destruction, and a profound national trauma. The political consequence was the suspension of parliamentary democracy and the imposition of emergency rule under the National Operation Council (NOC), led by Tun Abdul Razak.

Government Immediate Response: Routinization of The 1961 Education Act

In this fraught environment, Tun Abdul Razak Governments chose not to overhaul Malaysia’s language and education policy but rather to routinize, meaning to continue and institutionalize with reinforced legitimacy, the 1961 Education Act. This choice was guided by several interrelated considerations:

1. Ethnic Nationalism and Political Legitimacy: Maintaining UMNO’s political dominance required sustaining Malay ethno-nationalism. The 1961 Act symbolized Malay cultural primacy, and its continuation assured UMNO’s core constituency that Malay interests remained safeguarded.
2. Social Stability through Assimilationist Policy: Razak and his advisors judged that accommodating minority demands for multilingual education risked further ethnic polarization. As such, reinforcement of a Malay-centric education system was seen as pivotal to fostering a singular national identity and reducing inter- ethnic discord.
3. New Economic Policy (NEP) as Complementary Reform: The New Economic Policy (NEP) was introduced to address socio-economic imbalances that undergirded ethnic tensions, affirming affirmative action for Bumiputera (indigenous Malays and other groups). NEP policies included quotas in education and employment, complementing the assimilationist approach embedded in the education policy.

Explicitly, the 1961 Education Act’s provision empowering the Minister of Education to convert English-medium schools to Malay-medium schools was vigorously executed post-riots, with English schools phased out in the 1970s and restrictions placed on vernacular Chinese schools. The government also rejected demands for a university with instruction in Mandarin, further underlining its commitment to Malay as the sole national language in education (Mauzy, 2006).

Impact on Education and Ethnic Relations

The routinization and strengthening of the 1961 Education Act had mixed, complex effects:

1. 1. Increased  Malay  Language  Proficiency  and  Inter-ethnic Communication: Over time, Malay gained wider acceptance as the lingua franca, facilitating greater inter-ethnic engagement and contributing to some level of national integration.
   2. Chinese Education Marginalization and Ethnic Resistance: The closure or downgrade of Chinese medium schools led to disenfranchisement and political grievances. However, many ethnic Chinese students shifted to Malaysian public schools, albeit reluctantly, evidencing pragmatic adaptation.
   3. Political Consolidation via Barisan Nasional: Tun Abdul Razak expanded the ruling coalition to include former opposition parties, forming Barisan Nasional (BN) aimed at reducing political competition and ethnic tension. However, this consolidation reinforced Malay political dominance within a limited democratic space.
   4. Rise of Islamic Conservatism and Ethnic Politicization: Economic disparities and social discontent among rural Malays contributed to a strengthening of right- wing Malay Islamic parties, complicating the political fabric.

Theoretical Perspective: Ethnic Nationalism and Routinization

Anthony D. Smith’s theory on ethnic nationalism explains how ethnic identity is culturally constructed and politically mobilized to assert claims for political power and recognition (Smith, 1981). In Malaysian context, Malay nationalism, deeply intertwined with Islam and historical rulership, shaped policy formulations after 1969 as a defensive and assertive project to secure Malay cultural and political dominance.

Capano and Lippi’s concept of routinization of policy instruments elucidates the government’s decision to persist with an existing policy framework (The 1961 Education Act) despite political challenges and alternative demands. This conservative choice, driven by legitimacy concerns and instrumental calculations, prioritized status quo preservation over innovation (Capano C Lippi, 2017).

Moving Forward: From Assimilation to Multiculturalism?

By the 1990s, Malaysia introduced The 1996 Education Act, replacing the 1961 Act and reflecting gradual adoption of multicultural principles alongside global imperatives, such as English language proficiency under Vision 2020. The state recognized, albeit hesitantly, the need to balance ethnic identities within a unified national framework.

Nonetheless, the legacy of Tun Abdul Razak’s routinization of the 1961 Education Act remains a critical chapter in Malaysia’s nation-building narrative. It underscores the complex interplay between ethnic nationalism, political survival, and policy choices in managing diversity in the Global South.

Note: The cover image accompanying this article was generated using artificial intelligence and is intended for illustrative purposes only