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Thailand, Cambodia, and the Limits of ASEAN Conflict Management

When shots were fired near the Thai-Cambodian border in May 2025, the incident may have seemed like a minor border clash. In reality, it quickly escalated into a broader political crisis, one that exposed the fragile foundations of Southeast Asia’s regional order and highlighted the growing disconnect between ASEAN’s normative ambitions and its operational capacity.

At the heart of the dispute was the Chong Bok highlands, adjacent to the long-contested Preah Vihear temple area, where Thailand and Cambodia have clashed repeatedly over the past decades. Though colonial-era treaties nominally define the boundary, much of the territory remains practically and symbolically contested. In Bangkok, the skirmish was framed as a defensive response to Cambodian incursions. In Phnom Penh, it was viewed as a clear breach of sovereignty. In both capitals, the border became not just a geopolitical space, but a powerful discursive tool, mobilised for internal legitimacy, political survival, and national posturing.

A Border Crisis with Domestic Roots

What makes this crisis especially significant is not the military confrontation itself, but the political environment into which it exploded. Thailand’s Prime Minister, Paetongtarn Shinawatra, already facing considerable resistance from conservative and military-linked elites, found herself at the centre of a manufactured controversy. The trigger was the leak of an informal phone call with Cambodia’s former prime minister, Hun Sen, in which she referred to a Thai military figure as "the opposition" and used overly familiar language by calling Hun Sen “uncle.” The incident ignited a nationalist backlash at home, with her opponents seizing the moment to portray her as soft on foreign threats and disloyal to national sovereignty. Within days, the Bhumjaithai party withdrew from her governing coalition, crowds gathered in Bangkok for orchestrated protests, and the Senate, heavily dominated by military-appointed figures, referred her case to the Constitutional Court. What followed was a rapid and highly choreographed erosion of her political standing: on July 1, 2025, the court formally suspended her pending an ethics investigation.

Meanwhile, Cambodia responded with symbolic and material retaliation; troops were mobilized, border trade was restricted, and Phnom Penh threatened to bring the dispute to the International Court of Justice. On both sides of the border, then, the escalation served political purposes. In Thailand, the border clash was instrumentalised to undermine a democratically elected but systemically constrained leadership. In Cambodia, it allowed Hun Manet, Hun Sen’s son and political heir, to signal decisiveness and assert his own legitimacy during a delicate dynastic transition. The clash was thus not just about territory; it was about internal power consolidation.

ASEAN’s Silence and Its Structural Paralysis

The 2025 border crisis laid bare a broader and more persistent issue: the ASEAN security framework is no longer fit for purpose when it comes to managing interstate disputes among its own members. Founded on the principles of non-interference, consensus, and quiet diplomacy, ASEAN has long prided itself on maintaining regional stability through restraint rather than enforcement. But in practice, these principles have ossified into institutional inertia. As Cambodia seeks to internationalize the conflict through legal arbitration, while Thailand insists on bilateral channels, ASEAN finds itself paralyzed. It lacks both the mechanisms and the mandate to intervene effectively. More fundamentally, the episode raises questions about the role of ASEAN in a shifting regional environment. Can an organisation that refuses to acknowledge conflict still credibly claim to manage it?

The geopolitical context compounds this dilemma. China, a close ally of Cambodia, could use the rift to deepen its bilateral ties and weaken ASEAN’s collective leverage. The United States, increasingly attentive to political stability in Thailand, may likewise interpret the crisis as a sign of democratic erosion and strategic drift. With both regional powers watching closely, ASEAN’s inaction may have long-term consequences for its credibility and cohesion.

The Thailand–Cambodia border dispute is not a new one. But its reactivation in 2025 reveals how borderlines in Southeast Asia continue to function as political instruments, not merely geographical boundaries. In Thailand, the border became a metaphor for internal threats and political betrayal. In Cambodia, it became a theatre for projecting state strength and international legitimacy. In both cases, sovereignty was not defended; it was performed.

That performance has real costs. The border closure and trade disruption have directly affected cross-border communities that depend on informal commerce and seasonal labour. For many, the state is less a protector of territory than a barrier to economic survival. This disconnect between elite politics and everyday livelihoods is another reminder of how far state-centric narratives of security can be from human realities on the ground.

A Symbol of Deeper Fault Lines

This crisis is not simply a bilateral dispute or an institutional shortcoming. It serves as a stress test for the concept of Southeast Asian regionalism. ASEAN was designed to prevent precisely this kind of scenario: open confrontation between member states, politicisation of sovereignty, and zero-sum nationalism. Yet in 2025, it could do little more than issue vague appeals to exercise restraint.

What’s at stake, then, is more than peace at a particular border. It is the credibility of ASEAN’s role as a mediator, stabiliser, and norm-setter in a region increasingly shaped by strategic competition and internal volatility. If Cambodia continues to lean on Beijing for diplomatic cover and Thailand gravitates toward Washington in response to domestic instability, the implications will be lasting. The border dispute risks becoming a geopolitical pivot point, in which regional institutions are sidelined, and bilateral alignments take precedence over multilateral cooperation. Ultimately, the Thailand-Cambodia crisis is not an outlier. It is a symbol of the deeper fault lines that run through Southeast Asia’s political order. It demonstrates how national politics are increasingly externalized, how regional institutions are overwhelmed by inertia, and how borders, once perceived as settled, remain deeply unstable in practice. The danger is not the escalation of this particular dispute, but the normalisation of ASEAN’s strategic silence, the erosion of regional trust, and the increasing reliance on external powers to manage internal tensions. What this crisis demands is not just conflict resolution, but political imagination a willingness to rethink ASEAN’s structures, mandates, and tools in a world where sovereignty is both weaponized and fragile.

Aniello Iannone

Aniello Iannone

Aniello Iannone is a lecturer in Indonesian and Southeast Asian Politics at the Department of Political Science and Government, Diponegoro University. His research focuses on Indonesian politics, ASEAN as a regional actor, and comparative and international politics in Southeast Asia.

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